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ABO techniques, processes and tools.

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Zuma:

--- Quote from: Hummingbird Point on October 20, 2015, 03:51:32 pm --- (I would pay money to see a video of Zuma doing the hokey-pokey while knapping.)
Keith

--- End quote ---

I'm not that easy Keith. You would have to insert GOOD between pay and money.
I'd like to see your thorn collection and a few skeeter bites. >:D
Zuma

AncientTech:
CRITICAL THINKING MOMENT:

What is the definition of "aboriginal"?

"being the first or earliest known of its kind present in a region"

http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/aboriginal

In standard English, the term "aboriginal" refers to something that is intrinsically native to a culture, environment, etc. 

From an anthropological standpoint, the term "aboriginal" could be used to described certain things, such as point types, flaker types, flaking practices, etc.

For example, we could say that the "Clovis" point type is an "aboriginal" point type, because the First Americans made Clovis points. 

Similarly, we could say that composite bit pressure flakers, are aboriginal flaking tools, because Native Americans used composite bit pressure flakers.  Many have been found in dry rockshelters, and such, and some even date to the prehistoric era. 

Also, the act of pressure flaking with a pressure flaker could be called an "aboriginal" practice, because both prehistoric, and historic, Native Americans used pressure flakers.

Now, there is some gray area in this, because it is quite possible that a person might have knowledge of an aboriginal flaker, as a culturally predictable trait, yet not know how the flaker was used, by aboriginal people.  In this case, the flaker could be considered an "aboriginal" tool, yet the "aboriginal" mode of use may just be a matter of speculation.  This is not a "bad" thing.  It is simply a matter of honesty - intellectual honesty.

On the other hand, let's say that a hundred years ago, a European academic came up with a theory that ancient people used animal skin trampolines (like the Eskimo).  And, they also came up with wooden clubs.  So, according to the theory (emphasis on "theory"), the ancient people were tossed in the air, on the animal skin trampoline, and did back flips, while striking a weighted biface that was simultaneously tossed up into the air.  Would this constitute an "aboriginal" flaking practice? 

Well, if we used the term really loosely, one might argue that animal skins are aboriginal, because they are not nylon.  And, wooden billets are aboriginal, because they are not fiberglass.  In fact, if we used the word "aboriginal" as some use it today, then it could be argued that the flip-on-the-trampoline-wooden-club-flintknapping-practice is "aboriginal", in spite of the fact that there is zero evidence that anyone saw such a practice carried out, or that such a practice was ever carried out.  At most, one might have a "theory", or even on par with a fantasy. 

So, if person wants to understand "aboriginal flintknapping", in American contexts, then one has to have some sort of evidence of "aboriginal flintknapping".  A very weak type of evidence would be looking at flakes, and flake scars, and trying to infer a practice.  The problem with this approach is that a person cannot discount flintknapping practices that are unknown.   

A stronger type of evidence would involve looking at the life cycles of presumed aboriginal flaking tools, and looking at the contexts in which those tools are found, such as in burials of flintknappers, etc.  In this case, while the tools are known, the actual flaking processes, may not be known.  But, it does open the possibility of recreating the same types of flakes, with the same types of tools, as I have done with outrepasse. 

A third approach is to find records of how tools were used, and re-create flaking with known tools, and tool processes.  Such evidence might be found in ancient murals, artwork, or even writing systems. 

Also, since the aboriginal people of the Americas were using stone tools far beyond 1492, the possibility exists of linking aboriginal flintknapping tools known from the historic era, to aboriginal flintknapping tools known from the prehistoric era, while also linking aboriginal tool practices from the historic era, to aboriginal tool practices possibly employed in the prehistoric era.

If a person follows these routes, then some instances of "aboriginal" tools and tool use are fairly clear cut, while other instances are probably a matter of probability, with the idea being strengthened, or weakened, via experimentation. 

But, what the idea of "aboriginal" does not allow for is the manufacturing of ideas out of thin air.  Simply because a practice involves wood/bone, as opposed to copper/fiberglass, does not make the practice intrinsically "aboriginal".  Even trying to call a practice aboriginal, based on flakes and flake scars, is an extremely weak position to take, because one cannot rule out other practices that are not known, while making assessments based on flakes, and flake scars.  This is especially true when there are no known instances of the experimenter's flaker, found in archaeological contexts. 

In order for a practice to be called "aboriginal", one must be able to demonstrate some sort of link to Native American flintknapping practices.  And, such evidence is found in archaeological, historical, ethnographic, linguistic, and mythological, data.  And, this is actually why serious archaeologists used to talk to flintknappers, like Don Crabtree.  People like Crabtree had the intellectual fortitude needed to tackle the problem of reconciling evidence, with experimental results, head on.

END OF CRITICAL THINKING MOMENT:

   

   

AncientTech:
1933 - CALIFORNIA GEMOLOGIST - FRED S. YOUNG

Indian Relics - Oregon Obsidian Arrowpoints

"While large quantities of obsidian, or volcanic glass, are found in many parts of Oregon, the best in quality suitable for- arrow and spear points is found at several localities in Lake county, Oregon. Lake county situated in the south central part of the states is region larger than many eastern states, but very sparsely populated.

For many years prior to the coming of the white man, the Indians obtained their finest arrow and spear point material from this region. The rough stone was also used for trade and barter with other tribes. Much of Lake county is arid, sage covered hills and treeless, which rendered it unsuited as a permanent camp for the early Indians, but it was an excellent hunting ground for game. Many of the fine points found today in this locality are a type of point used in hunting and not in battle.  In many of the eastern parts of the United States flint was widely used by the early Indians, for weapons and tools, but obsidian and agate was the material most generally used in the western states.

The fashioning of arrow and spear points and other blades was an art with the early Indian, confined to a few expert members of the tribe. Squaws were never permitted to do this work.  It is sometimes thought that heat and water were used in the chipping of the obsidian and agate but this method was not used.  The tools used by the early Indian for working obsidian and agate into points, were, bone, hardwood tools. Beavery and porcupine teeth were often used as tools for the purpose of working the very small bird points. A piece of bone about five inches in length and thicker than a pencil was the common tool for working obsidian. The work was held between the knees, padded with buckskin, the smaller points were worked by holding with the hands, padded with buckskin. 
The fashioning of arrow and spear points is an art requiring considerable skill, practice and patience, especially in the manufacture of the larger points and blades.

A few white men have by long practice become expert at this work and can equal the best work of the early Indian. The tools used by the white man are bone, a knife blade, a horseshoe nail, small chisels, a piece of stone, wood and a number of others. In the making of the large blades some white men have found it advantageous to use a clamp or vise to hold the work. The fashioning of a blade from obsidian of even twenty to thirty inches in length was a very difficult task for a number of reasons.  Naturally a large blade can be fractured much more readily than a smaller size, especially in the final finishing stages of the work.  It was a matter of considerable pride and honor to the Indian exhibiting the largest and best made blade, and he was signally honored with the rare privilege of dancing last, at the ceremonial. 

In the the manufacture of these large blades, special tools were used, the blank was roughed out by the judicious use of a stone or metal chisel, the final finishing chipping was done with a bone, knot of wood or sharpened elk horn. Obsidian in long or thin sections will fracture nearly as readily as glass, or the presence of even minute flaws will prove ruinous.  Few modern makers of blades can produce them in good quality longer than twenty inches. The Indian would often spend many days in the manufacture of the finer large blades; at least three full days work is necessary to produce a blade up to fifteen or twenty inches. The skill of a point maker was generally judged by his ability at at producing fine long blades. The largest blade of obsidian of which the writer has any authentic record, was made by an aged Indian with some fifty years experience. This blade was made from a block of Lake county, Oregon obsidian, which would weigh approximately 900 pounds in the rough. The finished blade measured 42 inches in length, 9 inches wide and nearly 2 inches thick, and was of very excellent workmanship. It was sold to a collector for a rather substantial sum. Skinning knives were also made of Oregon obsidian by by the early Indians, these were usually around eight inches in length and were double edged. They were made as thin as possible, consistent with strength. 

The skill of an Indian with bow and arrow, was often judged by the number of arrows kept in the air simultaneously. Special points and shafts were used in these contests, starting with a heavy point and shaft and ending with a very small point.  Incredible as it may seem, some braves had skill enough to keep as many as seven arrows in flight at one time.  These sets of graduated points and shafts were highly prized and used only at ceremonials. The arrow points used in hunting and and in warfare were different in character and in shape. Special barbs and curved points were often used in the war points.

In the making of a point or blade, the Indian would immediately discard any point which was fractured in the making.  The modern makers will often skillfully cement them together. At many localities in Lake county where the work of the early Indian was done, these broken fragments are quite common.  Lake county has some very fine and unusual red colored red colored obsidian which was especially prized by the Indian, and was widely used as barter material with distant tribes. Evidently the fine red color had some significance to the Indian. While some of the work done by the skilled white man is equal to that of the Indian, the more recent work can be readily identified by its bright unweathered surface.  Practically all the old points found in the field are dull and plainly show surface indications of long exposure to the elements. Some unscrupulous dealers have attempted to imitate weathering by placing their recently made material in corrosive solutions or by keeping them in the ground for a time and then disposing of same as early Indian work. As a rule these can be very easily detected with a little experience.  Naturally authentic early Indian points command a better market and price than the imitations.

The largest and finest collection of Lake county obsidian points, consists of some 10,000 pieces, including some quite large blades. About half of this collection was picked up in the field over a period of years. In this collection are some very fine and rare points.  The collection is in the possession of P. F. Forbes, mayor and postmaster at Stauffer, Oregon, located in the northern part of Lake county.  Due to the fact that in the early days, Lake county had abundant game of all kinds it was a favorite hunting ground for the Indian and as a result a great many points were used and lost in this region. A great many of the old camps used by the Indians have been located in this region but very little good material can be found at these places, other than tools used and other utensils. The best points have been found more or less at random.  The shores of some of the old shallow lakes have yielded excellent points. The entire region of Lake county can be looked upon as a Mecca for not only the collector of points and blades but of other Indian relics as well."

AncientTech:
Ishi demonstrating hammerstone spalling of obsidian nodule:

AncientTech:
Ishi - published 1919:

"But if a large spearpoint or knife-blade is ultimately desired, an INTERMEDIATE TOOL is needed. This is apparently (Ishi never made one for me to see) a short, stout, blunt-pointed piece of bone or wood serving as a sort of PUNCH and sometimes as a LEVER. As a matter of fact, what is wanted in the case of producing a large implement is not the division of the obsidian mass but the TRIMMING DOWN of this mass by the detachment from it of all unnecessary portions." 

(Handbook of aboriginal American antiquities, W.H. Holmes)

Critical thining moment:

If the process was used in the "trimming down" of the mass, then could this mean that the process was not geared towards primary thinning?  If so, then does that one would have to have a knowledge of the primary thinning stage, in order to recognize when the second state was introduced?  Is it possible that the primary thinning stage would have achieved desired thickness, thus by removing the need to carry out further thinning, with the second stage?  If so, then is it possible that such points would show signs of original hardhammer thinning, followed by secondary trimming, and then followed by pressure flaking?  Is it possible that the tool Ishi referenced is comparable to the short stubby antler tools known to have been used by at least one Karok knapper, from a nearby tribe?  Is it possible that there is also some precedent, in the prehistoric cave finds of the same region?  Is it possible that Ishi actually knew of aboriginal practices, that were culturally embedded????

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